① What Was Churchills Attitude To Change

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What Was Churchills Attitude To Change



This ensures all instructions have been followed and the work submitted is original dressing for success non-plagiarized. While the biographies by Addison, Gilbert, What Was Churchills Attitude To Change and Rhodes James are among the most What Was Churchills Attitude To Change works What Was Churchills Attitude To Change Churchill, he has been the subject of numerous others. Access to History. But each of us has a unique What Was Churchills Attitude To Change of motivational drivers, values, and What Was Churchills Attitude To Change, and we have Sex Offender Registration Act Case Study ideas Electronic Prescription Errors what is reasonable. Click on the order now tab.

Churchill: The Man Who Saved the Free World

In response, the Germans activated Operation Achse and took control of most of Italy. The difficulties in Italy caused Churchill to have a change of heart and mind about Allied strategy to the extent that, when the Anzio stalemate developed soon after his return to England from North Africa, he threw himself into the planning of Overlord and set up an ongoing series of meetings with SHAEF and the British Chiefs of Staff over which he regularly presided.

Churchill was especially taken by the Mulberry project but he was also keen to make the most of Allied air power which, by the beginning of , had become overwhelming. Jenkins says that he faced potential victory with much less buoyancy than when he defiantly faced the prospect of defeat four years earlier. Churchill could not ignore the need for post-war reforms covering a broad sweep of areas such as agriculture, education, employment, health, housing and welfare. The Beveridge Report with its five "Giant Evils" was published in November and assumed great importance amid widespread popular acclaim. His attitude was demonstrated in a Sunday evening radio broadcast on 26 March He was obliged to devote most of it to the subject of reform and showed a distinct lack of interest.

In their respective diaries, Colville said Churchill had broadcast "indifferently" and Harold Nicolson said that, to many people, Churchill came across the air as "a worn and petulant old man". In the end, however, it was the population's demand for reform that decided the general election. Labour was perceived as the party that would deliver Beveridge. Arthur Greenwood had initiated its preceding social insurance and allied services inquiry in June Attlee, Bevin and Labour's other coalition ministers through the war were seen to be working towards reform and earned the trust of the electorate.

His desire caused unnecessary consternation at SHAEF until he was effectively vetoed by the King who told Churchill that, as head of all three services, he the King ought to go too. Churchill expected an Allied death toll of 20, on D-Day but he was proven to be pessimistic because less than 8, died in the whole of June. That evening, as he was returning to London, the first V-1 flying bombs were launched. Between themselves, they reached agreement on the Morgenthau Plan for the Allied occupation of Germany after the war, the intention of which was not only to demilitarise but also de-industrialise Germany.

Eden strongly opposed it and was later able to persuade Churchill to disown it. This conference has gained notoriety for the so-called " Percentages agreement " in which Churchill and Stalin effectively agreed the post-war fate of the Balkans. Churchill suggested a scale of predominance throughout the whole region so as not to, as he put it, "get at cross-purposes in small ways". There were two predominant issues: the question of setting up the United Nations Organisation after the war, on which much progress was made; and the more vexed question of Poland's post-war status, which Churchill saw as a test case for the future of Eastern Europe.

For example, 27 Tory MPs voted against him when the matter was debated in the Commons at the end of the month. Jenkins, however, maintains that Churchill did as well as he could have done in very difficult circumstances, not least the fact that Roosevelt was seriously ill and could not provide Churchill with meaningful support. Another outcome of Yalta was the so-called Operation Keelhaul. The Western Allies agreed to the forcible repatriation of all Soviet citizens in the Allied zones, including prisoners of war , to the Soviet Union and the policy was later extended to all Eastern European refugees , many of whom were anti-Communist. Keelhaul was implemented between 14 August and 9 May On the nights of 13—15 February , some 1, British and US bombers attacked the German city of Dresden , which was crowded with wounded and refugees from the Eastern Front.

The destruction of Dresden remains a serious query against the conduct of Allied bombing I feel the need for more precise concentration upon military objectives British historian Frederick Taylor has pointed out that the number of Soviet citizens who died from German bombing was roughly equivalent to the number of German citizens who died from Allied raids. He adds that the area bombing campaign was no more reprehensible than President Truman 's use of the second atomic bomb on Nagasaki six months later. The next day was Victory in Europe Day VE Day when Churchill broadcast to the nation that Germany had surrendered and that a final ceasefire on all fronts in Europe would come into effect at one minute past midnight that night i. He went from the palace to Whitehall where he addressed another large crowd: "God bless you all.

This is your victory. In our long history, we have never seen a greater day than this. Everyone, man or woman, has done their best. At this point he asked Ernest Bevin to come forward and share the applause. With a general election looming there had been none for almost a decade , and with the Labour ministers refusing to continue the wartime coalition, Churchill resigned as Prime Minister on 23 May Later that day, he accepted the King's invitation to form a new government, known officially as the National Government , like the Conservative-dominated coalition of the s, but sometimes called the caretaker ministry. Although Churchill continued to carry out the functions of Prime Minister, including exchanging messages with the US administration about the upcoming Potsdam Conference , he was not formally reappointed until 28 May.

Churchill was Great Britain's representative at the post-war Potsdam Conference when it opened on 17 July and was accompanied at its sessions not only by Eden as Foreign Secretary but also, pending the result of the July general election, by Attlee. They attended nine sessions in nine days before returning to England for their election counts. After the landslide Labour victory, Attlee returned with Bevin as the new Foreign Secretary and there were a further five days of discussion. Eden later described his performance as "appalling", saying that he was unprepared and verbose. Churchill upset the Chinese, exasperated the Americans and was easily led by Stalin, whom he was supposed to be resisting.

Churchill mishandled the election campaign by resorting to party politics and trying to denigrate Labour. Jenkins says that this broadcast was "the making of Attlee". Although polling day was 5 July, the results of the election did not become known until 26 July, owing to the need to collect the votes of those serving overseas. Clementine and daughter Mary had been at the count in Woodford , Churchill's new constituency in Essex, and had returned to Downing Street to meet him for lunch. Churchill was unopposed by the major parties in Woodford, but his majority over a sole independent candidate was much less than expected. He now anticipated defeat by Labour and Mary later described the lunch as "an occasion of Stygian gloom". That afternoon Churchill's doctor Lord Moran so he later recorded in his book The Struggle for Survival commiserated with him on the "ingratitude" of the British public, to which Churchill replied: "I wouldn't call it that.

They have had a very hard time". Churchill continued to lead the Conservative Party and, for six years, served as Leader of the Opposition. In , he was in America for nearly three months from early January to late March. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere. The essence of his view was that, though the Soviet Union did not want war with the western Allies, its entrenched position in Eastern Europe had made it impossible for the three great powers to provide the world with a "triangular leadership".

Churchill's desire was much closer collaboration between Britain and America. Within the same speech, he called for "a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States", [] but he emphasised the need for co-operation within the framework of the United Nations Charter. Churchill was an early proponent of pan-Europeanism , having called for a " United States of Europe " in a article.

He supported the creations of the Council of Europe in and the European Coal and Steel Community in , but his support was always with the firm proviso that Britain must not actually join any federal grouping. Having lived in Ireland as a child, Churchill always opposed its partition. As a minister in and again in , he suggested that Ulster should be part of a united Ireland , but with a degree of autonomy from an independent Irish government. He was always opposed on this by Ulster Unionists. Dulanty and Frederick Boland , successive Irish ambassadors to London, that he still hoped for reunification. Labour won the general election , but with a much-reduced majority. Churchill continued to serve as Leader of the Opposition. Despite losing the popular vote to Labour, the Conservatives won an overall majority of 17 seats in the October general election and Churchill again became Prime Minister, remaining in office until his resignation on 5 April He achieved the target and, in October , was promoted to Minister of Defence.

Churchill was nearly 77 when he took office and was not in good health following several minor strokes. It was widely expected that he would retire after her Coronation in May but, after Eden became seriously ill, Churchill increased his own responsibilities by taking over at the Foreign Office. On the evening of 23 June , Churchill suffered a serious stroke and became partially paralysed down one side. Had Eden been well, Churchill's premiership would most likely have been over. The matter was kept secret and Churchill went home to Chartwell to recuperate. He had fully recovered by November. Churchill feared a global conflagration and firmly believed that the only way to preserve peace and freedom was to build on a solid foundation of friendship and co-operation between Britain and America.

He made four official transatlantic visits from January to July Churchill, always the imperialist, believed that Britain's position as a world power depended on the empire's continued existence. Churchill had been obliged to recognise Colonel Nasser 's revolutionary government of Egypt , which took power in Much to Churchill's private dismay, agreement was reached in October on the phased evacuation of British troops from their Suez base. In addition, Britain agreed to terminate its rule in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan by , though this was in return for Nasser's abandonment of Egyptian claims over the region. Churchill's government maintained the military response to the crisis and adopted a similar strategy for the Mau Mau Uprising in British Kenya — Churchill was uneasy about the election of Eisenhower as Truman's successor.

After Stalin died on 5 March , Churchill sought a summit meeting with the Soviets but Eisenhower refused out of fear that the Soviets would use it for propaganda. He told Colville that Eisenhower as president was "both weak and stupid". Churchill believed that Eisenhower did not fully comprehend the danger posed by the H-bomb and he greatly distrusted Eisenhower's Secretary of State , John Foster Dulles. Elizabeth II offered to create Churchill Duke of London , but this was declined as a result of the objections of his son Randolph, who would have inherited the title on his father's death. Although publicly supportive, Churchill was privately scathing about Eden's handling of the Suez Crisis and Clementine believed that many of his visits to the United States in the following years were attempts to help repair Anglo-American relations.

By the time of the general election , however, he seldom attended the House of Commons. Despite the Conservative landslide in , his own majority in Woodford fell by more than a thousand. In June , when he was 87, Churchill had a fall in Monte Carlo and broke his hip. He was flown home to a London hospital where he remained for three weeks. Jenkins says that Churchill was never the same after this accident and his last two years were something of a twilight period. Kennedy , acting under authorisation granted by an Act of Congress , proclaimed him an Honorary Citizen of the United States , but he was unable to attend the White House ceremony.

Montague Browne wrote that he never heard Churchill refer to depression and certainly did not suffer from it. Churchill suffered his final stroke on 12 January He died nearly two weeks later on the 24th, which was the seventieth anniversary of his father's death. Worldwide, numerous memorials have been dedicated to Churchill. His statue in Parliament Square was unveiled by his widow Clementine in and is one of only twelve in the square, all of prominent political figures, including Churchill's friend Lloyd George and his India policy nemesis Gandhi.

An indication of Churchill's high esteem in the UK is the result of the BBC poll, attracting , votes, in which he was voted the greatest Briton of all time , his nearest rival being Isambard Kingdom Brunel some 56, votes behind. He is one of only eight people to be granted honorary citizenship of the United States; others include Lafayette , Raoul Wallenberg and Mother Teresa. Churchill was a prolific writer. He used either "Winston S. Churchill" or "Winston Spencer Churchill" as his pen name to avoid confusion with the American novelist of the same name , with whom he struck up a friendly correspondence.

Two of his most famous works, published after his first premiership brought his international fame to new heights, were his twelve-volume memoir, The Second World War , and the four-volume A History of the English-Speaking Peoples. As well as writing, Churchill became an accomplished amateur artist after his resignation from the Admiralty in Churchill was an amateur bricklayer , constructing buildings and garden walls at Chartwell. Roy Jenkins concludes his biography of Churchill by comparing him with W. Gladstone , whom Jenkins recognised as "undoubtedly" the greatest prime minister of the nineteenth century.

When he began his biography, Jenkins regarded Gladstone as the greater man but changed his mind in the course of writing. He concluded his work by ranking Churchill: []. Churchill always self-confidently believed himself to be "a man of destiny". As a politician, Churchill was perceived by some observers to have been largely motivated by personal ambition rather than political principle. Until the outbreak of the Second World War, Churchill's approach to politics generated widespread "mistrust and dislike", [] largely on account of his two party defections.

The exception was during his wartime coalition when he was completely reliant upon the support of his Labour colleagues. His response to the Rhondda Valley unrest and his anti-socialist rhetoric brought condemnation from socialists. They saw him as a reactionary who represented imperialism, militarism, and the interests of the upper classes in the class war. On the other hand, his detractors did not take Churchill's domestic reforms into account, [] for he was in many respects a radical and a reformer, [] but always with the intention of preserving the existing social structure, never of challenging it.

He worked hard; he put his proposals efficiently through the Cabinet and Parliament; he carried his Department with him. These ministerial merits are not as common as might be thought". Assessments of Churchill's legacy are largely based on his leadership of the British people in the Second World War. Even so, his personal views on empire and race continue to stir intense debate. Whatever his political or reformist attitude at any time, Churchill was always staunchly an imperialist and a monarchist. He consistently exhibited a "romanticised view" of both the British Empire and the reigning monarch, especially of Elizabeth II during his last term as premier. He has been described as a "liberal imperialist" [] who saw British imperialism as a form of altruism that benefited its subject peoples because "by conquering and dominating other peoples, the British were also elevating and protecting them".

He advocated against black or indigenous self-rule in Africa, Australia, the Caribbean, the Americas and India, believing that the British Empire promoted and maintained the welfare of those who lived in the colonies; he insisted that "our responsibility to the native races remains a real one". While the biographies by Addison, Gilbert, Jenkins and Rhodes James are among the most acclaimed works about Churchill, he has been the subject of numerous others. Writing in —13 for the International Churchill Society, Professor David Freeman counted 62 in total, excluding non-English books, to the end of the 20th century.

At a public ceremony in Westminster Hall on 30 November , Churchill's 80th birthday, the joint Houses of Parliament presented him with a full-length portrait of himself painted by Graham Sutherland. Churchill has been widely depicted on stage and screen. John Lithgow played Churchill in The Crown — Finney, Oldman and Lithgow have all won major awards for their performances as Churchill. Churchill married Clementine Hozier in September The Churchills' first child, Diana , was born in July ; [] the second, Randolph , in May Later that month, the Churchills bought Chartwell , which would be their home until Winston's death in From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

British statesman — For other uses, see Churchill disambiguation and Winston Churchill disambiguation. The Right Honourable Sir. Ministerial offices — Serving with Alexander Wilkie. Edmund Robertson Alexander Wilkie. Edwin Scrymgeour E. Clementine Hozier. Diana Randolph Sarah Marigold Mary. Lord Randolph Churchill Jennie Jerome. British Army Territorial Army from This article is part of a series about. Main article: Early life of Winston Churchill. Main article: Winston Churchill's Liberal Party years, — Main article: Winston Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Main article: Winston Churchill's "Wilderness" years, — Main article: Norway Debate. Main article: First premiership of Winston Churchill. For a chronological guide to this subject, see Timeline of the first premiership of Winston Churchill.

Further information: Churchill war ministry. Main article: Churchill war ministry. Main article: War cabinet crisis, May Main article: Yalta Conference. Main article: Churchill caretaker ministry. Main article: Potsdam Conference. Main article: United Kingdom general election. Main article: Later life of Winston Churchill. Main article: Second premiership of Winston Churchill. Further information: Third Churchill ministry. Main article: Death and state funeral of Winston Churchill. Main article: Cultural depictions of Winston Churchill. Further information: Descendants of Winston Churchill. Ancestors of Winston Churchill [] 8. George Spencer-Churchill, 6th Duke of Marlborough 4. John Spencer-Churchill, 7th Duke of Marlborough 9.

Lady Jane Stewart 2. Lord Randolph Churchill Charles Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry 5. Lady Frances Anne Vane Frances Anne Vane-Tempest 1. Winston Churchill Isaac Jerome 6. Leonard Jerome Aurora Murray 3. Jennie Jerome Ambrose Hall 7. Clarissa Hall Clarissa Willcox. His father dropped the Spencer. Winston Churchill: War Leader. Harpenden: No Exit Press. ISBN London: J. Retrieved 11 November The London Gazette Supplement. Guide to Blenheim Palace. The inscribed shrapnel piece was subsequently displayed at Blenheim Palace. The Churchill Project. Hillsdale, Missouri: Hillsdale College. Retrieved 22 May Westminster: House of Commons.

Retrieved 17 May No one can keep up the pretence that Abyssinia is a fit, worthy and equal member of a league of civilised nations. London: The Churchill Society. Retrieved 27 April London: Bloomsbury Publishing plc. Retrieved 14 May Retrieved 30 April Retrieved 14 January HMSO ]. Butler, J. London: Jonathan Cape. The Churchill Society, London. Warfare and Society in Europe: to the Present. London: Psychology Press. American Heritage.

Retrieved 5 May The Avalon Project. Lillian Goldman Law Library. Retrieved 11 May The Economic Times. Retrieved 4 December Famine in the twentieth century PDF Technical report. IDS Working Paper Brighton: Institute of Development Studies. Archived from the original PDF on 16 May The New York Times. Journal of Cold War Studies. MIT Press. S2CID Hillsdale College. Retrieved 21 May International Social Security Review. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell. The Labour Party in Power, —". Britain — Access to History. London: Hodder Headline. A History of Modern Britain. London: Macmillan. The American Historical Review. JSTOR The Secret Betrayal. New York City: Scribner. Retrieved 28 January BBC News.

London: BBC. Retrieved 2 May The Making of Modern Britain. Der Spiegel. Hamburg: Spiegel-Verlag. BBC History. Retrieved 4 June The Historical Journal. Cambridge University Press. The Irish Times. Dublin: Irish Times Trust. Retrieved 16 May George VI. London: I. The Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press. Abingdon: Routledge. The Churchills. London: Little Brown Book Group. Ashford: Podkin Press. America the Last Best Hope. Volume II. Nashville: Thomas Nelson Inc. The Independent. Museum Practice. London: Museums Association 30 : 18— Civic Impulse, LLC. Churchill ". Canadian Literary Landmarks. Toronto: Dundurn. Retrieved 15 May Stockholm: Nobel Media AB.

Retrieved 7 August Winston Churchill: His Life as a Painter. Boston, Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin. The Guardian. Retrieved 22 June Like most of his contemporaries, family and friends, he regarded races as different, racial characteristics as signs of the maturity of a society, and racial purity as endangered not only by other races but by mental weaknesses within a race. Retrieved 11 September Retrieved 7 November The People's Almanac Book of Lists. Television Academy — The Emmys. Hollywood Reporter. The Verge. New York City: Vox Media.

Retrieved 8 May Retrieved 25 February London: Transworld Publishers Limited. Winston S. Churchill: Volume One: Youth, — Hillsdale, Michigan: Hillsdale College Press. Arthur, Max Churchill — The Life: An authorised pictorial biography. London: Cassell. Adams, Edward Charlottesville, Virginia: University of Virginia Press. Addison, Paul Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Churchill: The Unexpected Hero.

Oxford: Oxford University Press. Allen, Louis Burma: The Longest War — Ball, Stuart Bayly, Christopher ; Harper, Tim Penguin History. Bell, Christopher M. War in History. Best, Geoffrey Churchill: A Study in Greatness. London and New York: Hambledon and Continuum. Paolo works in Eastern Europe as a country manager for an international property developer. George, a chartered accountant with an MBA, is a direct report whose job is to sell plots of land and develop strategic alliances with local companies. George is fairly new to this position, having previously worked in a back-office role overseeing customer accounts.

Although George is pleasant and enthusiastic, his performance is subpar and shows no signs of improvement. In fact, George has yet to sell a single parcel of land. In his dealings with potential partners, the garrulous George acts as though his bonhomie is all he needs to cut a deal. And the deals he does manage to make turn out to be ill considered and costly. Because of these issues, Paolo meets with George several times to try to get him to change his ways.

George responds with encouraging smiles, plausible excuses, and a commitment to Paolo that things will change, but nothing does. In the final analysis, Paolo decides, George is slippery and lazy. Exasperated, Paolo decides to issue George an ultimatum: Improve your game or get out. But firing George would be an expensive option; people with his background and skills are difficult to find in this part of the world.

Poor Paolo. He can almost smell the failure likely to result from a confrontation. Poor Annette. If only she could convince Colin to improve his attitude, she could hold on to a potentially valuable team member. These two cases share some qualities that often bedevil executives in their attempts to motivate problem people. For instance, Annette and Paolo believe that they just need the right sales pitch to turn around Colin and George.

But each of us has a unique profile of motivational drivers, values, and biases, and we have different ideas about what is reasonable. This frequent mismatch of perceptions leads to another common problem with managerial attempts at motivation: the futile and prolonged game of tag, with a manager repeatedly trying to slap some motivation onto the problem employee. Think of Colin avoiding his bosses. Think of George and his elusive promises. In trying to convert Colin and George into different kinds of people, they—like most managers dealing with problem employees—have set themselves an impossible goal. Change comes from within or not at all. So if Annette and Paolo have approached their problems in the wrong way, what is the right way?

I propose a relatively simple method I have seen work time and again. It involves shifting the responsibility for motivation from subject to object, from boss to subordinate. Crucially, it also involves a shift in perspective: The manager needs to look at the employee not as a problem to be solved but as a person to be understood. With people we like, we try to understand how they feel. Such blinkered perceptions, common in everyday life, are particularly prevalent in the hierarchical setting of business. That knowledge would only unsettle us. Because of the effort it takes to decenter, particularly with difficult employees, the method I propose is demanding. But it is no more difficult, and certainly it is more effective, than motivational techniques based on inspirational leadership.

Although many problem employees display a marked lack of drive and commitment in their jobs, these qualities are usually alive and well in other areas of their lives. Certainly, not all people are going to feel the same passion for their work that they do for their hobbies or other outside interests. Most workers have the potential to engage with their work in a way that furthers managerial goals. For example, impediments may appear suddenly because of new stresses at home or may accumulate incrementally over years, the product of frustrated dreams or broken promises at work. And chances are that the sentiments are mutual—which makes conventional pep talks about improving performance come across as insincere, at best. Instead of pushing solutions on people with the force of your argument, pull solutions out of them.

To accomplish this, you may have to rethink what your problem employees can reasonably be motivated to do. But the approach will help you get the best from them, whatever their abilities and skills. First, while this method is based on empathy, it is anything but soft. It demands that a manager take charge of a difficult situation and resolve it. In fact, the truly spongy method is what you are probably using now: either ignoring your problem employees or repeatedly and unsuccessfully trying to convince them that they should improve their performance.

Second, my method does require an investment of time, but it is an investment that should get you to a resolution of the problem sooner than other means would. Keep in mind that this approach is designed to create a resolution—not necessarily a solution—to the problem you face. But the three-step method I propose will put an end to the evasions, repetitions, and broken promises. At the very least, it will drive you to a moment of truth, a point at which you and the employee together can see a path to the goal you have set—or agree that no solution is possible. Have you been going round and round with someone, having the same fruitless conversations over and over?

Discard your assumptions about the person and start afresh. Be a psychologist. Have you been contentedly clueless, neither knowing nor caring much about what makes an employee tick? You have to dig deeper to find out what drives that person—and what may be blocking those drivers. Ask yourself what words this individual would use to describe those same behaviors.

It may give you a fresh insight into the nature of the problem. Have you been proudly occupying a moral high ground in your perspective on this person? Decide now whether you really want to solve the problem or sit in judgment. Have you failed to search for any redeeming features in this person? Think hard. Because discovering even one positive characteristic in someone can color your relationship in entirely new ways and create a starting point for you to connect. Have you been dismissing out of hand how someone perceives you? Tom has been struggling to help Jack improve his performance. But with each warning, Jack, who is naturally shy, just seems to get quieter.

Until now, no one, including Tom, knew what he had been going through. A problem employee is taken through the usual appraisal routines and management discussions and then is dismissed—sometimes after years of unproductive performance. The first step thus requires that a manager work to understand where a problem employee is coming from: What drives that person? What blocks those drives? What might happen if the impediments are removed? Two other factors also figure in the equation: you, as the boss, and the context within which the problem is occurring. How well does Annette understand Colin? What does Paolo really know about George? Clearly, these managers need more information.

It can come from peers, subordinates, or previous bosses. Much of the data will come, however, from problem employees themselves. You need to have a series of informal conversations—at the water cooler, over lunch, at social events—that will give you insight into what your employees are really about. What does the world look like from where the employee sits? How have his expectations and desires been molded by key past experiences? What passions govern his choices? What stifles these passions in the workplace? This may sound difficult, but in executive classes I teach, I find that people can learn these things about one another in a ten-minute interview, if they ask the right questions.

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