⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People
Warming above 1. Ecology and Society. The SSPs describe five different trajectories which describe future climatic developments in the absence of new environmental policies beyond those in place today. Recruitment In an Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People to obtain a geographically diverse sample comprised of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous participants, the recruitment process Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People four aspects: 1 advertising the study on a website; Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People placing Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People recruitment booth at a health Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People 3 Literary Development In Jane Austens Pride And Prejudice Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People individuals; and 4 employing snowball recruitment techniques as per [ 49 ]. Retrieved 6 June ABS cat.
The solution to indigenous disadvantage - Kia Dowell - TEDxPerth
A victim of domestic violence, she was murdered by her boyfriend. Photo submitted by Beth Roy. With a lot of hard work and determination, I will continue to walk the Red Road. COVID has changed my life in many ways. Being Native American and living here on the Reservation makes us no different. COVID does not discriminate, and we are able to catch this sickness like any other. On Jan. I needed and asked for help, left for treatment at the Transformation House in Anoka, Minn. I completed and graduated from my program after 60 days. It was while I was there, I heard about the coronavirus on all the headlining news.
I remember sitting there talking about it, and how I was sure it would never make its way to Minnesota. But here we are, almost eight months later. How many people have we lost to this virus and pandemic? I made it back home on March 9, There were just a few cases in the Minneapolis area then, with one being in Anoka County. The county I was in while in treatment. After about three weeks later, and the number of people testing positive for COVID in Minnesota, everything started to change. Our area schools and tribal programs were shutting down. We now have a border patrol; all areas were blocked off at these checkpoints. Tribal members living on the reservation are only allowed through these checkpoints.
I have been very pleased with our border patrol workers who are doing all they can do to keep our members and communities safe by checking every vehicle that enters the Reservation. They are doing a great job. I continue to go to work at the Gitigaanike Garden in Redby. I always wear my mask and social distance myself. Racism was sometimes a barrier to accessing healthy choices or health education. In addition, exposure to suspicion produced psychological distress and avoidance behaviour. P Indigenous female, metro.
The nurse made a comment about not trusting them [an Indigenous family] while they stood next to the bed and could easily hear what she was saying. I could tell this upset them and made them wary of the nurse P non-Indigenous female, metro. They get excluded from information regarding health behaviour because of discrimination. P1: non-Indigenous, all regions. On occasion, unhealthy options were made very accessible, in an attempt to convince community members to leave premises. The way to control things was they would give the Aboriginals free take-away food as long as they went away and ate it.
P7: non-Indigenous female, regional. In addition, health risk behaviours, such as smoking and consumption of alcohol and foods high in carbohydrates and fats, were introduced into the normative patterns of individuals and families. She used to get flour , sugar , tobacco. Socio-economic circumstances including economic hardship and unemployment diminished the financial resources available to fund health needs. It was felt that these financially challenging circumstances were also psychologically distressing, which compounded their influence on health behaviour.
The outcomes of these circumstances were perceived to be overwhelming and prevented health behaviour from being prioritized. Overcrowded and inadequate housing were identified as common barriers to positive health behaviour. Living in overcrowded accommodation was thought to compromise many aspects of health behaviour, including nutrition:. The psychological distress created by economic hardship reduced the capacity to focus upon health behaviour and increased the propensity to engage in unhealthy coping mechanisms such as smoking and alcohol use. I mean I know of a family where there are about 12 of them in a two bedroom unit. You want to come back home and see where they live. It was acknowledged that engaging in health risk behaviours had a detrimental effect on Indigenous health outcomes.
However, there was speculation that these behaviours were partially in response to the psychological distress caused by their circumstances. This is true, especially with respect to the use of smoking and drinking alcohol, which were used as coping mechanisms. The stress of all those social issues , the overcrowding in housing , unemployment , suicide , drug and alcohol consumption , all those sorts of things , means sometimes smoking is a comfort to people and their only means of actually having something.
It was often mentioned that interactions between Indigenous people and non-Indigenous representatives from organisations, especially health-related organisations, had the potential to positively influence health behaviour. These interactions provided practical support, encouragement, and information that promoted healthy behaviours. However, miscommunication was thought to reduce the positive influence that could be gained from these sources. Due to the role such institutions have played in controlling and regulating the lives of Indigenous Australians over time, Indigenous people may be wary of representatives of non-Indigenous organisations.
This situation was exacerbated by people distrusting non-Indigenous representatives who were not familiar to them. It was also explained that people felt that organisations were not listening to them or criticised them, which produced a barrier to productive communication. P8: non-Indigenous female, all regions. Such comments highlight the challenges involved in providing health behaviour guidance in a manner that will engage community members and not exacerbate or reflect historical marginalisation:. A lot of Aboriginal people are sick of being told how to live their lives and being criticised for how they live their lives and they want to hold onto the things that are important to them.
This study explored Indigenous health behaviour in Western Australia from the perspective of support workers; around half of whom were Indigenous. The results reveal the complex relationship between social relationships and the broader Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures and their impact on individual health behaviours. The results show that the participants in this study considered that the health behaviours of the Indigenous people they supported were extensively influenced by factors beyond the control of the individual.
Culture, social networks, history, racism, socioeconomic disadvantage, and the psychological distress associated with some of these factors were thought to affect the health behaviour of the Indigenous community members supported by the participants involved in this study. In addition, the views expressed by all participants, regardless of their status as Indigenous or non-Indigenous were in alignment, with no differences observed. It was apparent that these factors were often interrelated and, therefore, affect health behaviours in a complex manner that is not easily described.
The intimate social connections that occur in such situations may have positive effects on psychological factors such as self-esteem, which can have a positive on influence health behaviour [ 20 , 21 ]. Further, it was apparent that the Indigenous culture was a strongly empowering and capacity building force within Indigenous communities. However, the unrelenting discrimination within the broader Australian community appeared to act as a moderating force that potentially undermined the empowering effects of the culture. The synergetic effect of such interactions impacted upon health behaviour.
It was believed that some cultural aspects may have reinforced social connections in a manner that promoted group conformity and group expectations. This led to a complex interaction between socio-cultural factors and health behaviour. Consequently, it appeared Indigenous people were more likely to listen to advice which was provided by their relatives or other Indigenous people. Such reliance on advice from familiar sources is common in situations where cultures live together but have different socio-cultural traditions [ 57 , 58 ]. Moreover, the importance of relationships with family and kin, and the associated obligation to these relationships, significantly influenced health behaviour.
In light of economic circumstances, one aspect that appeared to be particularly important was the cultural obligation to share resources with family members. Interviewees felt that this issue resulted in diminished resources available for maintaining personal health behaviour. Johnston and Thomas [ 59 ] noted that such cultural obligations add another layer of complexity to social dynamics that is not experienced by non-Indigenous groups. Passey et al. Similar to this, the current study highlights that in some instances, the desire or perhaps obligation to share that arises from, and reinforces, cultural identity may reduce the opportunity and inclination to make health behaviour adjustments, which are necessary for specific health issues, such as diabetes.
This cultural focus on family and kin altered the priority of personal needs and the motivational influence derived from identity, self-esteem, and empowerment. According to support workers, the importance of maintaining cultural distinctiveness impacted on the health behaviour of Indigenous people. This theory states that people may develop strong links with a group they identify with and, conversely, can develop prejudice against opposing groups [ 60 , 61 ]. This may indicate that racism and discrimination have a confounding effect on cultural identity. In light of this, the necessity to maintain cultural distinctiveness may outweigh caution regarding the negative consequences of health risk behaviour.
In their review of social theories, Dixon and Banwell [ 62 ] supports the notion that health risk behaviour is sometimes perpetuated in disadvantaged groups by the need to maintain distinctiveness from other groups. In a similar manner, a study involving Indigenous Australians from four rural communities within New South Wales indicated the necessity for cultural distinction may influence smoking behaviour [ 19 ]. Brough et al. The importance of cultural distinction may promote resistance to embracing health behaviours that are perceived as being aligned to another culture which in turn could promote engagement with health risk behaviours or healthful behaviours depending on the situation.
A social resistance framework has been devised in an attempt to explain such resistance within non-dominant minority groups [ 63 , 64 ]. In this context, engaging in health risk behaviours could be explained as everyday acts of resistance against the ideations and concepts of the dominant group [ 63 ]. Factor et al. This supports suggestions that marginalisation and racism impact upon social networks to diminish the availability of non-Indigenous connections [ 19 , 20 , 67 ]. Acceptance of health behaviour information that is derived from non-Indigenous sources or depicted from a non-Indigenous perspective may be diminished by the influence of marginalisation, racism, and desire for cultural distinctiveness. Communication between Indigenous people and non-Indigenous people may also be disrupted by the sense of wariness or distrust some Indigenous people feel towards non-Indigenous people.
The participants in the current study noted that distressing historical encounters and present day racism lead to an inclination by Indigenous people to distrust non-Indigenous people. The detrimental impact of racism and historical events has been noted in previous studies that indicate such encounters have been psychologically distressing for Indigenous Australians [ 68 , 69 ].
Bond et al. Communication has a relational component that can be disrupted by distrust [ 70 ]. Gilson suggested that trust is affected by past encounters, either between people or people and organisations. Within an Australian Indigenous context, cultural emphasis on relationships and connections indicates that the importance of this relational aspect of communication may be heightened. Therefore, the trustworthiness of the messenger is a very important part of validating the information they convey. When the messenger is a stranger, trust stems from the reputation of the organisation they represent, or the credibility of known associates [ 70 ].
In light of this, preconceived distrust may have the potential to diminish the effect of communication from non-Indigenous sources. The findings in this study suggest that distrust may create a communication barrier with regards to promoting health behaviour to Indigenous Australians. It was posited that it may be difficult for individuals to change their health behaviour without the wider community implementing similar changes. Research into the factors influencing health promotion within Samoan communities emphasised the conundrum that is caused when health is considered from an individually oriented perspective and from a culturally oriented social wellbeing perspective [ 71 ].
They concluded that this resulted in changes in health behaviour being suspended until cultural change occurs; thereby inadvertently placing the responsibility for improving health back on the cultural leadership. The notion that the normative behaviour of a group for instance, a cultural group will influence the individuals within the group is commonly acknowledged [ 72 ]. However, in instances where there is discrimination or oppression, the expectation for cultural leadership to champion health change may inadvertently exacerbate inequities. For instance, Hardin [ 71 ] suggested that when culture is acknowledged as the most important factor to changing health behaviour, health practitioners inadvertently reproduce structural inequalities in their encounters with clients.
A re-framing needs to occur whereby there is much more importance and validation of Indigenous culture expressed through mainstream channels to cultivate a deeper population-wide understanding of the rich culture of Indigenous Australians. Due to the qualitative nature of the study, the findings cannot be generalised beyond the study sample. However the credibility and validity of the themes was substantiated by the methodological and interpretive rigour employed throughout the study as per [ 55 , 73 ]. The use of the social ecological model may have limited the scope of the findings. This model facilitated a broad inspection of the data, which may have detracted from examining minute differences in the data. However, in using this model the findings highlight factors that transcend the heterogeneity within Indigenous groups.
In terms of methodological limitations, it is acknowledged that despite no differences being observed between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous informants, the recruitment of non-Indigenous people in support roles may be insufficient to explain Indigenous individual health behaviours. While Indigenous perspectives were obtained in the current study, future research should prioritise the perspectives of a larger and more geographically diverse sample comprised of only Indigenous people in explaining their own health behaviours to complement the findings of the present study.
The current study highlights the complexities and challenges created by the intersection of in broad terms two cultures Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures. This dynamic is confounded by the oppressive history combined with racism that persists into contemporary circumstances, and the associated marginalisation. In addition to marginalisation, the desire for cultural distinctiveness and the influences of cultural perspectives further confounds and exacerbates the dynamics caused by other enablers and barriers, such as social connections and social support. In particular, the data suggests that distrust created by historical and contemporary racism may impede any health and broader assistance that might be gained from non-Indigenous sources.
Conversely, it also highlights the conundrum involved in promoting health behaviour without reinforcing oppression or inequalities. It also points to the necessity for Indigenous community coalition driven efforts to improve health behaviour as a way of reducing inequities and empowering communities [ 74 ]. The authors thank the participants who were part of the research project for their commitment to the study. Performed the experiments: PW. Browse Subject Areas? Click through the PLOS taxonomy to find articles in your field. Abstract Disparities between the health of Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations continue to be prevalent within Australia. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited Data Availability: Data are available from the study whose authors may be contacted at The University of Western Australia.
Introduction The disparities between the health of Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations continue to be prevalent within Australia [ 1 — 3 ]. Method Methodology The methodology was guided by previous Indigenous research, including research conducted by Indigenous researchers and undertaken on Indigenous people, [ 14 , 38 , 41 , 48 ] and by an advisory group comprised of 14 people, including Western Australian academics and others involved in Indigenous health, including two Indigenous community members.
Recruitment In an attempt to obtain a geographically diverse sample comprised of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous participants, the recruitment process included four aspects: 1 advertising the study on a website; 2 placing a recruitment booth at a health conference; 3 approaching relevant individuals; and 4 employing snowball recruitment techniques as per [ 49 ]. Sample In-depth interviews were conducted with 29 people 13 males and 16 females who support Indigenous groups, and whose ages ranged from mid-twenties to late fifties. Analysis All the interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. Results The focus of the discussions was not limited to one type of health behaviour; the participants mentioned a range of health behaviours throughout the discussions.
Download: PPT. Fig 1. Factors influencing the health behaviour of Indigenous Australians from the perspective of people who support Indigenous groups. The perceived influence of socio-cultural factors on health behaviour Culture. P Indigenous male, metro There was a very strong cultural obligation towards family, which includes providing support for family members. P Indigenous female, regional Participants mentioned that the Indigenous people they supported generally had a sociable, sharing lifestyle. One participant referred to this via the following analogy: Well , you put a whole lot of crabs in a bucket and one of them starts to claw its way out to the big outside world.
Cultural preservation. P Indigenous female, regional Such comments reflect the tension that is created by attempting to accommodate two contradictory motivational drivers: 1 the desire for cultural identity and inclusivity; and 2 the influence generated from a source outside their cultural perspective. P non-Indigenous female, metro Support workers also mentioned that loss of identity, disempowerment, and a sense of hopelessness that was associated with the struggle to maintain their cultural identity encouraged Indigenous people to engage in unhealthy coping mechanisms.
P8: Indigenous female, all regions In unpacking the notion of cultural preservation, an interesting contradiction was apparent whereby there appeared to be a dichotomy of cultures occurring simultaneously. The psychological influence of history and racism on social relationships on health behaviour According to many participants, the traumatic history experienced by Indigenous Western Australians involving colonisation and oppression continued to have a psychological and physical impact upon them. P Indigenous male, regional Numerous references were made to continued racism towards Indigenous people within Western Australia.
P Indigenous female, metro The nurse made a comment about not trusting them [an Indigenous family] while they stood next to the bed and could easily hear what she was saying. I could tell this upset them and made them wary of the nurse P non-Indigenous female, metro They get excluded from information regarding health behaviour because of discrimination.
P1: non-Indigenous, all regions On occasion, unhealthy options were made very accessible, in an attempt to convince community members to leave premises. P7: non-Indigenous female, regional In addition, health risk behaviours, such as smoking and consumption of alcohol and foods high in carbohydrates and fats, were introduced into the normative patterns of individuals and families. The perceived influence of socio-economic circumstances on health behaviour Socio-economic circumstances including economic hardship and unemployment diminished the financial resources available to fund health needs.
P Indigenous female, regional You want to come back home and see where they live. P Indigenous female, regional It was acknowledged that engaging in health risk behaviours had a detrimental effect on Indigenous health outcomes. Such comments highlight the challenges involved in providing health behaviour guidance in a manner that will engage community members and not exacerbate or reflect historical marginalisation: A lot of Aboriginal people are sick of being told how to live their lives and being criticised for how they live their lives and they want to hold onto the things that are important to them.
Discussion This study explored Indigenous health behaviour in Western Australia from the perspective of support workers; around half of whom were Indigenous. Limitations Due to the qualitative nature of the study, the findings cannot be generalised beyond the study sample. Conclusion The current study highlights the complexities and challenges created by the intersection of in broad terms two cultures Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures. Acknowledgments The authors thank the participants who were part of the research project for their commitment to the study. References 1. ABS cat. Canberra: ABS. International Journal of Epidemiology — View Article Google Scholar 5.
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Lancet 65— Brofenbrenner U Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American Psychologist — Lynch J Social epidemiology: some observations about the past, present and future.Some areas may become too hot for humans to live in   Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People people in some areas may experience displacement Powerful Idea Of Self-Harm In Cuts By Patricia Mccormick by flooding and Pronghorn Research Paper climate change related disasters. Competing interests: The authors Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People declared that no competing Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People exist. Kauai Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People quite poor and many of the children in the study grew up with alcoholic or mentally ill parents. Archived from the original on 5 May Numerous references were made Discuss The Positive And Negative Effects On Indigenous People continued racism towards Indigenous people within Western Australia.